Immigrant Youth
There has been growing public concern expressed over the 'immigrant youth gang' in the last number of years. Wortley and Tanner (2006) noted that an assumption is often made that youth gang activity in Canada may be increasing because of recent immigration from certain 'gang-prone' nations, meaning that serious youth gang activity is being imported from other countries into Canada. However, given that there is a lack of statistical information on crime with respect to immigrant status, race and ethnicity, it is not possible to establish the prevalence and patterns of changes in criminal gang involvement of youth from immigrant families (Ngo, 2010). To date, a limited number of Canadian studies have examined the issue of immigrant youth and gangs. Continued dialogue on the connections between immigration, crime and gang involvement are needed in Canada in order to guide the development of responsive policies, programs and services for this population.
Some newcomers can face a number of barriers to integration into Canadian society. First generation immigrant youth can experience linguistic, acculturative, psychological and economic challenges. They may experience barriers to equitable opportunities in Canada, and encounter a wide range of obstacles and challenges in accessing services and support in the social services, education, health and justice arenas. Although second generation Canadian youth born into immigrant families, as a group, tend to do well economically, those from a visible minority background may experience significant inequalities in their educational attainment and participation in the labour market. Second generation Canadian youth may also experience sociocultural challenges with respect to competing cultural expectations, cultural identity and intercultural interactions (Ngo, 2010; Sersli, Salazar, & Lozano, 2010).
Gangs typically form in communities where an accumulation of different forms of disadvantage (e.g., economic disadvantage, lack of opportunities, family disruption, racial discrimination) come together. Both the emergence and sustainability of gangs and gang membership rely on the extent to which these disadvantages are more prevalent in communities (Pyrooz, Fox, & Decker, 2010). These groups experience what Vigil (2002) called 'multiple marginality', where breakdowns of social and economic factors lead to a 'street socialization' takeover. Multiple marginality acts and reacts within populations to drive youth into the streets and immigration or migration adaption is a central part of this process. As youth undergo street socialization they may form a street subculture, namely a gang.
Commonly these gangs are organized with the specific intent of committing criminal activity for the purpose of financial gain. They are hierarchally structured with an established leadership and chain of command, and are selectively open to expanding their membership. Most gangs have initiation rituals based on violence and subject new members to screening and personal testing to confirm their solidness and loyalty. Most immigrant youth are involved in either an ethnically-based gang, or in a multicultural gang. Those associated with the latter have indicated that while their criminal gang was open to individuals of diverse ethnic backgrounds, only those from certain ethnic groups would be given a leadership role (Ngo, 2010). It should be noted however that when we assume that all ethnic gangs are alike, we lose sight of the uniqueness of groups that, while sharing criminal involvement, arise out of different contexts and conditions, are often organized differently, and vary in function and form (Grekul & LaBoucane-Benson, 2008).