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Polls show that Europe is facing a potential shift to the right in elections set for June 6-9, when millions of EU citizens will vote to elect new members of the European Parliament, a body crucial for shaping the bloc’s policies. With far-right parties likely to win greater influence, the vote could significantly affect political dynamics within the EU and its policies abroad.
By:Lara BULLENS
As the world’s second-largest democratic vote after India, the European elections have the power to reshape the political landscape across the continent and beyond. From June 6-9, approximately 400 million EU citizens will head to the polls to elect new members of the European Parliament (MEPs).
The 720 legislators in the new parliament will have the power to shape policies on climate, migration, industry, defence and security. But they will also vote on what should be prioritised in the EU budget, which can be essential to policies like providing aid for Ukraine.
Once elected, MEPs will join supranational parliamentary “groups” according to ideology (greens, socialists, centre-right, far-right, etc.). The two largest parliamentary groups are usually the centre-right European People’s Party (EPP) and the centre-left Socialists and Democrats (S&D). But right-wing parties have been making significant inroads and are expected to do well in 2024, with the far-right Identity and Democracy party possibly becoming the third-largest group in the European Parliament.
A coalition of centre-right Christian democrats, conservatives and right-wing MEPs could thus be on track to hold a majority for the first time.
“MEPs can vote on resolutions and political groups can put out calls to try and push something in a certain direction, but as such they do not have much competence on foreign policy,” says Sebastien Maillard, associate fellow of the Europe programme at international affairs think-tank Chatham House.
That does not mean the European Parliament is powerless on foreign policy, however. And as one arm of the EU’s budgetary authority, it has a say on EU spending priorities.
If the assembly sees a large shift to the right after the elections in June, calls for the EU to supply military assistance to Ukraine or humanitarian aid to Gaza could dwindle.
Political groups setting the agenda in the next European Parliament are likely to maintain their current stance on Ukraine. Since Russia launched its full-scale invasion in February 2022, Western states have backed military, financial and strategic aid for Kyiv.
But with a growing number of right-wing MEPs likely to join the assembly this year, Europe's staunchly pro-Ukrainian stance may begin to falter, given that many on the right are sympathetic to Russia.
National parties may also weaken their backing for Ukraine as a response to the shift in voter attitudes in the European elections; if voters opt for more pro-Russian MEPs, European leaders may be less staunch on the decision to back Ukraine.
How far could the far right go? European elections could shift balance of power in Brussels
Broader shifts to the right across Europe could have even greater impact. “There will be national elections in Belgium on June 9th. There are upcoming elections in Austria. And there is a new government in the Netherlands," Maillard notes.
"In those three examples, the far-right is expected to be either at the head of, or involved with, the governments.”
In line with the ambitious goal of reaching carbon neutrality, EU lawmakers last year agreed to phase out sales of fossil fuel-powered vehicles by 2035. Drivers would still be able to buy petrol and diesel cars second-hand, but carmakers could not introduce new polluting models into the market after the cut-off date in just over 10 years.
MEPs are going to reconfirm the 2035 ban in a vote the year after next, says Maillard. “If the greens lose out and the European Conservatives and Reformists group (ECR) make gains, as is predicted, conservatives will probably try to delay or postpone that cut-off date.”
The same goes for a shift to organic agriculture, Maillard says. After a recent EU-wide wave of farmers' protests put agriculture high on the political agenda, the new assembly will have the gargantuan task of finding a balance between policy reforms that work for farmers and minimising the damage agriculture could have on the environment.
Many of the EU votes on protecting the environment and combating climate change have been won by small margins. A landmark bill aimed at restoring damaged ecosystems across the continent was finally approved in February this year after being put in jeopardy by the conservative European People’s Party. The text was passed thanks to approval by 329 MEPs to the 275 voted who against; it will come into force once EU states formally adopt the measure.
“[If conservatives win], the whole de-carbonisation ... of our economies would be slowed down,” Maillard warns. “That is where MEPs have lots of power.”
By:Lara BULLENS
As the world’s second-largest democratic vote after India, the European elections have the power to reshape the political landscape across the continent and beyond. From June 6-9, approximately 400 million EU citizens will head to the polls to elect new members of the European Parliament (MEPs).
The 720 legislators in the new parliament will have the power to shape policies on climate, migration, industry, defence and security. But they will also vote on what should be prioritised in the EU budget, which can be essential to policies like providing aid for Ukraine.
Once elected, MEPs will join supranational parliamentary “groups” according to ideology (greens, socialists, centre-right, far-right, etc.). The two largest parliamentary groups are usually the centre-right European People’s Party (EPP) and the centre-left Socialists and Democrats (S&D). But right-wing parties have been making significant inroads and are expected to do well in 2024, with the far-right Identity and Democracy party possibly becoming the third-largest group in the European Parliament.
A coalition of centre-right Christian democrats, conservatives and right-wing MEPs could thus be on track to hold a majority for the first time.
Foreign policy
“MEPs can vote on resolutions and political groups can put out calls to try and push something in a certain direction, but as such they do not have much competence on foreign policy,” says Sebastien Maillard, associate fellow of the Europe programme at international affairs think-tank Chatham House.
That does not mean the European Parliament is powerless on foreign policy, however. And as one arm of the EU’s budgetary authority, it has a say on EU spending priorities.
If the assembly sees a large shift to the right after the elections in June, calls for the EU to supply military assistance to Ukraine or humanitarian aid to Gaza could dwindle.
Political groups setting the agenda in the next European Parliament are likely to maintain their current stance on Ukraine. Since Russia launched its full-scale invasion in February 2022, Western states have backed military, financial and strategic aid for Kyiv.
But with a growing number of right-wing MEPs likely to join the assembly this year, Europe's staunchly pro-Ukrainian stance may begin to falter, given that many on the right are sympathetic to Russia.
National parties may also weaken their backing for Ukraine as a response to the shift in voter attitudes in the European elections; if voters opt for more pro-Russian MEPs, European leaders may be less staunch on the decision to back Ukraine.
How far could the far right go? European elections could shift balance of power in Brussels
Broader shifts to the right across Europe could have even greater impact. “There will be national elections in Belgium on June 9th. There are upcoming elections in Austria. And there is a new government in the Netherlands," Maillard notes.
"In those three examples, the far-right is expected to be either at the head of, or involved with, the governments.”
Environmental policy
In line with the ambitious goal of reaching carbon neutrality, EU lawmakers last year agreed to phase out sales of fossil fuel-powered vehicles by 2035. Drivers would still be able to buy petrol and diesel cars second-hand, but carmakers could not introduce new polluting models into the market after the cut-off date in just over 10 years.
MEPs are going to reconfirm the 2035 ban in a vote the year after next, says Maillard. “If the greens lose out and the European Conservatives and Reformists group (ECR) make gains, as is predicted, conservatives will probably try to delay or postpone that cut-off date.”
The same goes for a shift to organic agriculture, Maillard says. After a recent EU-wide wave of farmers' protests put agriculture high on the political agenda, the new assembly will have the gargantuan task of finding a balance between policy reforms that work for farmers and minimising the damage agriculture could have on the environment.
Many of the EU votes on protecting the environment and combating climate change have been won by small margins. A landmark bill aimed at restoring damaged ecosystems across the continent was finally approved in February this year after being put in jeopardy by the conservative European People’s Party. The text was passed thanks to approval by 329 MEPs to the 275 voted who against; it will come into force once EU states formally adopt the measure.
“[If conservatives win], the whole de-carbonisation ... of our economies would be slowed down,” Maillard warns. “That is where MEPs have lots of power.”