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"You just deflected, doubled down, and then erected a pretty shameless straw man to boot."
After I had done no such thing. Why would any normal person even bother with that kind of thing?
So ignoring the point and saying, in substitution, "I get that you think he should have won and thus that he should have been covered as the preferred winner" is not a straw man?
That is a textbook definition of a straw man argument. Like if you present a point in favor of progressive taxation and I say, "listen, I get that you're jealous of rich people, but tough titties." Do you want to stick by the claim that it's not one? Because, worse, that's just a lie.
You've done nothing to dissuade me from the view that your view that Sanders was not covered enough (and note that there is no real dispute that the coverage he did get was overwhelmingly positive) is driven by your own view of the proper baseline, and you haven't addressed the points I've made suggesting that that baseline is flawed. You've used metrics that no responsible newsroom would use to make that kind of decision, and I think you wouldn't use them yourself if not for their utility in this particular argument. As a general matter, how do you decide how to cover a candidate? I'm saying that if the candidate has no realistic chance of winning and the race is not particularly close, they're the "other" candidate.
I referenced that metric as a (pretty on-point in my opinion) stand-in for popularity. Frankly it's a much more lax standard than, say, contributions (at the outset of the campaign or after its summation) or ultimate vote totals.
Now, *this* is a strawman.There's no mechanism for there to be a MSM-wide conspiracy to try to bury a candidate.
Yes, that is a straw man argument. I think it's considerably closer to your actual argument than your straw man was to mine, but you're still right. And your terming of the issue as widespread conspiracy between independent actors with no motivation is, in my opinion, silly. We're talking about an oligopoly representing private capital.
Even back in the days of Eugene Debs, your namesake, major newspapers were hostile to Debs and socialism. And that was before the corporate form even existed!
No one would have any motivation to do it, no one would be able to get away with it, there's no coordinating body that could direct it, etc. The risk (any journalist caught doing something like that would basically kill his career) is way out of line with the potential benefit. It's loopy.
I don't even know where to begin attacking this suggestion since it's so inconsistent with not only corporate fiduciary law and the basic setup of American newspapers where executives/executive editors are responsible to boards of directors, but also with just what we know about partisan outlets tailoring their coverage.
I mean, besides thinking that it's perfectly rational, and even grounded firmly in American history, that corporations are hostile to socialism (frankly, Ford Motor Company torturing and murdering union members sounds a lot more CT than saying a corporate newspaper might tailor its product away from causes that endanger its profitability), [that's motivation] I strain to understand how you think it's impossible for newspaper management to regulate themselves. It's not like we're talking about some huge complicated network of endless players. We're talking about 4-5 outlets: 4-5 executive editors or CEOs acting on behalf of 4-5 corporate boards.