Ah yes, if only we had a dictator with unlimited power we could live in such a paradise as El Salvador....Meanwhile back in reality...
Thousands of innocent people jailed in El Salvador’s gang crackdown
Not a fan of the Constitution, I take it?
You said arresting and detaining people doesn't reduce crime... lol... So I provided an example that proved you dead wrong. Yes, his policies were extreme. But El Salvador was suffering from a more than extreme situation. No, those policies wouldn't fly here.
However, there's simple fixes and ending no bail release is one of them.
Back when Giuliani wasn't an idiot with Bratton... New York was turned from one of the most dangerous in the Nation to the Safest Large City (Over 1 million pop) in less than 4 years. However, many of the policies that were adopted in the 90's are now deemed racist and unacceptable by today's progressives... but that's another discussion. Giuliani and Bratton were seen as heros for turning this shit situation in New York around.
The FBI's report shows that New York City continues to lead the nation in the fight against crime. Over the last four years, of the 25 largest cities in the country, New York City has experienced the largest sustained crime decrease - 46.2 percent from 1993 to 1998. New York City has dropped to 166 on a list of 217 cities with populations over 100,000. In fact, New York City continues to be safer than cities such as Atlanta (1), Orlando (2), Miami (8), Fort Lauderdale (13), Winston-Salem, North Carolina (25), Minneapolis (32), Dallas (35), Phoenix (42) San Antonio (77), Philadelphia (85), Houston (93), Boston (110), San Francisco (114) and San Diego (160). New York City is also the safest city in the nation among cities with a population of over one million, including Dallas, Houston, Los Angeles, Phoenix, and San Diego.
Just 20 years ago, New York City was racked with crime: murders, burglaries, drug deals, car thefts, thefts from cars. Read the whole story here.
www.city-journal.org
Just 20 years ago, New York City was racked with crime: murders, burglaries, drug deals, car thefts, thefts
from cars. (Remember the signs in car windows advising no radio?) Unlike many cities’ crime problems, New York’s were not limited to a few inner-city neighborhoods that could be avoided. Bryant Park, in the heart of midtown and adjacent to the New York Public Library, was an open-air drug market; Grand Central Terminal, a gigantic flophouse; the Port Authority Bus Terminal, “a grim gauntlet for bus passengers dodging beggars, drunks, thieves, and destitute drug addicts,” as the
New York Times put it in 1992. In July 1985, the Citizens Crime Commission of New York City published a study showing widespread fear of theft and assault in downtown Brooklyn, Fordham Road in the Bronx, and Jamaica Center in Queens. Riders abandoned the subway in droves, fearing assault from lunatics and gangs.
New York’s drop in crime during the 1990s was correspondingly astonishing—indeed, “one of the most remarkable stories in the history of urban crime,” according to University of California law professor Franklin Zimring. While other cities experienced major declines, none was as steep as New York’s. Most of the criminologists’ explanations for it—the economy, changing drug-use patterns, demographic changes—have not withstood scrutiny. Readers of
City Journal will be familiar with the stronger argument that the New York Police Department’s adoption of quality-of-life policing and of such accountability measures as Compstat was behind the city’s crime drop.
Yet that explanation isn’t the whole story. Learning the rest is more than an academic exercise, for if we can understand fully what happened in New York, we not only can adapt it to other cities but can ensure that Gotham’s crime gains aren’t lost in today’s cash-strapped environment.
Neighborhood organizations, too, began demanding that order be restored—even the local community board in the Tompkins Square Park area, which had once been quite tolerant of disorderly behavior. And the judiciary branch got involved as well, with the 1993 opening of the Midtown Community Court, which swiftly handles those who commit minor offenses.
By the early 1990s, these highly visible successes, especially in the subway, had begun to express themselves politically. Better than any other politician, Rudy Giuliani understood the pent-up demand for public order and built his successful 1993 run for mayor on quality-of-life themes. Once in office, he appointed Bratton, who had orchestrated the subway success and understood the importance of order maintenance, as New York’s police commissioner.
Under Bratton, the NYPD brought enormous capacities to bear on the city’s crime problem—particularly Compstat, its tactical planning and accountability system, which identified where crimes were occurring and held local commanders responsible for their areas. Giuliani and Bratton also gave the force’s members a clear vision of the “business” of the NYPD and how their activities contributed to it. In short, a theory previously advocated largely by elites filtered down to—and inspired—line police officers, who had constituted a largely ignored and underused capacity.
Once the NYPD joined the effort, the order-maintenance movement expanded even more. Port Authority, initially skeptical about Kiley’s approach in the subway and Grand Central and Penn Stations, took similar action to restore order; the Midtown Community Court spawned the Center for Court Innovation, a nonprofit organization that helped develop the Red Hook Community Court in 1998; and BIDs increased from 33 in 1989 to 61 in 2008.
Clearly, Giuliani and Bratton were heroes in reclaiming public spaces. But Glazer, Sturz, Gunn, Kiley, Biederman, and others were stalwarts as well. They set the stage for what was to follow. Current mayor Michael Bloomberg and police commissioner Ray Kelly also deserve kudos; rather than overturning the Bratton/Giuliani innovations and going their own way—as new administrators are wont to do—they adopted, refined, and strengthened them.
www.nber.org
The police measure that most consistently reduces crime is the arrest rate... Felony arrest rates (except for motor vehicle thefts) rose 50 to 70 percent in the 1990s. When arrests of burglars increased 10 percent, the number of burglaries fell 2.7 to 3.2 percent. When the arrest rate of robbers rose 10 percent, the number of robberies fell 5.7 to 5.9 percent.
